In defense of Identity Politics

President Trump’s war on American history is not just about promoting a colorblind society, or fighting anti-white bias, or even about encouraging national unity on the eve of the country’s 250^th anniversary.  When Trump pushes back against DEI at universities, or in the workplace, or pressures the Smithsonian to focus on only “good stories” about slavery, his goal is not just to reset America’s racial narrative, he’s also trying to do lasting damage to the Democratic Party.  

If there is such a thing as “art” in policymaking, it’s when a public policy idea has the added potential of screwing one’s opposition.  It’s the goal of every serious lawmaker to create policies that not only serve the American public, but also weakening the other party in some way. This is what drives Trump’s anti-DEI efforts.  He wants to attract more people to the GOP by getting them to be less race-conscious.  He knows that people who are sympathetic to racial issues tend to vote Democrat. 

When Trump encourages a socially conservative Latina who might otherwise vote Democrat, to put her racial identity aside, and vote based on her conservative identity instead, he is using identity politics to weaken the Democratic Party.     

Of course, Democrats play this game too.  If possible, we want Black conservatives to see themselves as Black first, and conservative, second. That’s one reason why President Biden forgave huge swaths of student loan debt before the 2024 election. He knew that doing so would be particularly beneficial to African Americans.   

Student loan forgiveness is “artful” identity politics.  It rewards hard work; promotes human capital development; and, benefits the larger society by freeing up economic resources that can be channeled into other sectors of the economy—such as when erstwhile loan payments are used to purchase a new home, or start a business.  

But, importantly, because it disproportionately benefits African Americans, loan forgiveness can also be sold as a form of reparations for slavery—something supported in the Black community.  Biden knew this, and used loan forgiveness like a racial dog whistle, but for Black folks.  

Identity politics has always driven policymaking in America.  And, it’s not just limited to gender, race, ethnicity or sexual orientation.  Identity politics can also be ideology-based.  

Whenever President Richard Nixon mentioned America’s “Silent Majority” in his speeches or public comments, he was practicing ideology-based identity politics.  As was President Reagan whenever he mentioned “Busing,” or “states’ rights.”  When President Trump invited white South African immigrants to the U.S., even as he expelled thousands of brown-skinned immigrants who had been here for decades, he was playing identity politics too.  

President Trump plays identity politics even as he criticizes it as being harmful, and divisive, and distracting from the pursuit of common values and goals.  In public, Trump wants Americans to hate identity politics—especially racial politics.  But, in private, he knows identity politics is what makes democracy work.  

Identity politics is how Black women, concerned about the disproportionate number of African Americans dying in childbirth get decisionmakers to prioritize the issue.  Identity politics is what Muslim parents use to stop school administrators from pressuring their children to embrace Christianity in the classroom.  American Jews use it to fight anti-Semitism, and Latino-Americans use it to fight back against racist immigration policies.   

Without identity politics, important issues that impact us as individuals, or as members of a community, might be overlooked, or even deliberately ignored.  Yes, identity politics can sometimes be divisive, but it is the beating heart of American democracy.  Without it, the U.S. would look more like Russia or China. 

Identity politics is what makes it possible for each of us to be both a part of this diverse, national collective we call, “America,” and individuals at the same time.